Of the various schemes and labels now employed to make sense
of the new polarizations of global politics, the best known
are the familiar right vs. left and the newer globalist vs.
antiglobalist.
Drawing the right-left map, the European scholar Jan Aarte
Scholte describes a politics opposing globalist neoliberals
to globalist social democrats.
Neoliberals are generally enthusiastic about unregulated
markets, high technology, privatization, and the free movement
across borders of money, goods, services, and capital. Social
democrats are more inclined to use the governmental powers
of either sovereign nations or new superstate institutions
to impose global law and order in such areas as labor and
environmental protection.
But the American political scientist Benjamin Barber offers
another polarization -- which he calls "McWorld vs. Jihad"
-- between globalizing consumerist capitalism and localist
forces of religion and tribe. McWorld represents all those
charging ahead into the new world of pop culture, high technology
and international commerce, while Jihad stands for all those
trying to hunker down and live within traditional communities.
Both maps are useful, but neither quite does the job. To
make sense of the complex politics of the 21st-century world,
you need a four-cornered map that recognizes both left-right
and globalist-local dimensions.
We have in the world today globalist right, globalist left,
antiglobalist right, and antiglobalist left.
The globalist right sees rapid technological progress and
economic growth, largely market-driven. The globalist left
favors giving government a stronger role to temper the market's
excesses.
The antiglobalist right seeks to preserve (or restore) strong
national, ethnic, tribal or religious identities, boundaries,
and power. The antiglobalist left is also attracted to a vision
of organic community, but is much more concerned about the
poor and powerless and strongly imbued with the mystique of
environmentalism -- a relatively new arrival on the ideological
scene.
Each quadrant has shadings. In the globalist right you can
find libertarians who favor junking most international financial
organizations such as the International Monetary Fund and
letting the magic of the free market have its way. A little
more to the center is a large array of international financiers
and entrepreneurs busily creating global institutions such
as the World Trade Organization.
The globalist left has its centrists -- Bill Clinton and
UK Prime Minister Tony Blair are favorite examples -- willing
to work with international business, and the many national
governments now privatizing government-owned businesses. A
bit farther to the left are those who want a beefed-up United
Nations or even a new world federalist government. A few scattered
voices call for some new version of global socialism.
The purest example of the antiglobalist right in the U.S.
is the arch-protectionist Pat Buchanan, battling for American
greatness and against free trade. Nationalist isolationism
has a long history, and nationalist parties and movements
all over the world offer their own responses to globalization
-- strong proof that nationalism, the most potent movement
of the 20th century, is far from dead. Neither is its evil
cousin, fascism.
The antiglobalist left is in some ways new, though it includes
the Old Left of organized labor as well as some venerable
traditions including anarchism and romanticism. The new romantic
primitivism -- strongly flavored with spirituality and opposition
to technology -- is a powerful influence in Green parties
and environmental organizations, and a wide range of movements
including deep ecologists, bioregionalists, neo-luddites and
eco-feminists.
The globalists of center-right and center-left seem to be
on top these days, happily crafting free-trade agreements
and privatizing.
But as we continue moving awkwardly toward a global civilization
of open trade and democratic governance, it is clear there
will be plenty of argument -- from all directions -- about
how such a globalization process should be shaped, or whether
we are or should be moving at all.