India's recent nuclear tests have elicited righteous reactions from leading political figures. That response, says PNS commentator Michael T. Klare, reflects a policy of willful ignorance about nuclear proliferation -- a policy that stands in the way of creating a less dangerous world. Klare is a professor of peace and world security studies at Hampshire College in Massachusetts and author of "Rogue States and Nuclear Outlaws."

Hearing President Clinton and Secretary of State Madeline Albright talk about the Indian nuclear tests is a bit like hearing baby boomer parents talk about discovering that their teen-aged children have been smoking pot and having sex.

In both cases, one encounters a stance of moral outrage undiminished by any sense of reality. In both cases, one wants to ask, where have you been?

If the United States hopes to exercise effective leadership in the struggle against nuclear proliferation, it had better adjust to existing international realities. For 25 years, Washington has been operating as if we live in a world of five nuclear powers (the United States, Russia, China, Britain, and France), when, in fact, we live amongst eight -- those five plus India, Israel, and Pakistan.

Because U.S. policymakers were in a state of denial about the actual state of nuclear proliferation, they consistently adopted misguided and ineffectual policies-- concentrating on the so-called "rogue" states (Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, Syria) while ignoring the far most serious challenge posed by the de facto nuclear powers. As a result, Israel has built up a massive nuclear arsenal and India and Pakistan have moved into the fusion (H-bomb) club.

Now that it can no longer ignore this reality, Washington must adopt a nonproliferation strategy geared to real-world conditions. Its goal should be to draw the line here, with eight nuclear powers, and work toward the eventual elimination of all nuclear munitions.

One might argue, why stop at eight, instead of ten or twelve or fifteen? But the fact is that the eight existing nuclear powers have occupied this status for some time now, and more recent attempts to join this club--notably by Argentina, Brazil, Iraq, North Korea, and South Africa--have been effectively blocked. So stopping with eight, and building down from there, makes eminent sense.

This first step is to bring India, Israel, and Pakistan into the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). This will require amending the treaty. Because these states are not currently parties to the treaty, they are not bound by its provisions and thus are not obliged to refrain from selling nuclear skills and materials to other weapons-seeking countries. Once they join, however, all existing nuclear powers will be parties to the NPT, making it possible to build an effective wall against further proliferation.

In addition, as NPT members, their nuclear facilities will be open to international inspection and subject to international sanctions when they violate specific nonproliferation restrictions.

Article VI of the Treaty requires nuclear-weapons states to conduct negotiations "in good faith" to eliminate nuclear munitions. This would set the stage for all eight to join in multilateral talks aimed at contraction and eventual elimination of all nuclear weapons.

At the same time, we must take steps to reduce the likelihood of a nuclear conflict in South Asia. President Clinton should take a leadership role in persuading New Delhi and Islamabad to undertake negotiations of this type. The United States can also help these two countries develop the technical aspects of arms control -- data exchange, hot-lines, scientific expertise, and the like.

All of this will require a new attitude in U.S. relations to India and Pakistan. We cannot treat these countries as irresponsible adolescents and then expect them to follow our advice on significant matters of state. To gain their cooperation, we have to regard them as equal members of the nuclear club. That is the only way to move forward with an effective program of nonproliferation.

It may be true that India conducted the tests as a way of pushing its way into the circle of major world powers, after being excluded for so many years. President Clinton is right to deplore this method of seeking greatness. But simply castigating New Delhi for its folly will get us nowhere--we must wake up to reality, accept the failure of past policies, and adopt a more inclusive strategy for fighting the nuclear peril.