Substantial increases in the number of Latino voters going to the polls in recent years have been widely seen as a response to perceived threats to the community. But the turnout -- and results -- in the most recent balloting, a routine midterm election with no "Latino" issue on the ballot, shows that these voters are a new and lasting force to be reckoned with. PNS associate editor Gregory Rodriguez is a Research Fellow at the Pepperdine Institute for Public Policy.

It is now crystal clear that California's burgeoning Latino electorate is hooked on voting.

To be sure. Latino voter participation increased tremendously over the last two election cycles. But both times there were hot-button issues that directly and viscerally affected the Latino community -- Proposition 187 in 1994, Proposition 209 in 1996.

Now they have come out in force after a benign campaign during normally subdued midterm elections.

Post-election spin doctors notwithstanding, this year's strong Latino turnout is historic only insofar as it proves that recent upswings were not just a fluke. This year Latino voters, instead of feeling targeted as many did in the last two elections, could be excused for feeling positively desirable. More money and energy was spent this year than ever before to court Latino voters. And, instead of finding themselves on the losing side of controversial issues, Latino voters are part of a winning coalition of black, Asian and white voters who voted to send a Democrat to California's state house for the first time in 16 years.

Despite the heightened attention on the growing power of ethnic electorates this year, California's diversifying electorate also appears to be unifying. Many victorious Latino candidates could not have won without the significant support of non-Latino voters. An estimated 3 out of 4 votes for Cruz Bustamante, the lieutenant governor-elect, were cast by non-Latino voters, and several of the state's new Latino lawmakers -- including three Republicans -- will represent predominately Anglo districts. Perhaps the real news this election year is that Californians are becoming more comfortable with their darker skin.

Despite claims by Democrats that the GOP may have alienated the Latino electorate for the next generation, two years from now both parties will only step up their efforts to court what will be an even larger Latino electorate. The lingering effects of Proposition 187 still have Latinos voting more overwhelmingly Democrat than usual, but as years pass and Pete Wilson becomes a bad memory, Latinos are likely to evolve into more than just a de facto Democratic constituency.

While most California political strategists now recognize the importance of the Latino electorate, few can predict how new voters will behave on any given issue. In the absence of Pete Wilson, Democrats will be forced to develop new strategies to court Latino voters. And the number of Latino Republicans in the Assembly jumped from 1 to 4, handing the GOP four new ambassadors to Latino voters.

If recognizing and winning the Latino vote is the first stage, then appeasing a growing and diversifying electorate in practice and policy is the second. As the novelty of their heightened participation wears off, it will take more than co-ethnic candidates and Spanish-language advertising to garner Latino support.

In a few short years, California's Latino voters will have the strength to simply ask candidates: What have you done for us lately?