Despite occasional political fireworks in U.S.-China relations, military ties between the two countries are now becoming closer than ever, as symbolized by the upcoming five-day stay in Hong Kong of a large U.S. Navy squadron. The growing military cooperation reflects a dramatic shift in how the U.S. views Europe and Asia. PNS editor Franz Schurmann, professor emeritus of history and sociology at UC-Berkeley, is author of numerous books on China and global politics.

On Feb. 8, a large U.S. Navy squadron, led by a nuclear-powered aircraft carrier, will arrive in Hong Kong for a five-day visit. With U.S. public opinion believing relations with China are tense at best, it is important to ask what is going on here.

Are we enemies or partners? Most experts will say something in-between. But the signs indicate we are becoming partners more rapidly than the public realizes.

When NATO planes last May bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, relations plummeted to their lowest level since 1971 when President Nixon made his China breakthrough. At that time, because the Soviet Union was their common foe, Washington and Beijing forged secret intelligence ties. Military ties began when relations were formalized in 1979.

But after the Belgrade bombing China cut those ties. President Clinton's backing of Chinese membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) last fall was not enough to restore them. A U.S. warship allowed into Hong Kong harbor last December was greeted only by a second ranking Chinese naval officer.

Now, the Pentagon has announced military ties have been restored fully to their former levels. But there are indications that relations will become even closer and more comprehensive than before. In April Defense Secretary William Cohen is scheduled to visit China as is later Admiral Denis Blair, the top American military commander in the Asia-Pacific region. And the new American ambassador designate to Beijing, Admiral Joseph Prueher, was his predecessor.

One event that sheds light on what is going on behind the curtains is the recent visit of China's top military figure, General Chi Haotian, to South Korea. He was awarded top honors by Korean President Kim Dae Jung. Following the evident success of former US defense secretary William Perry's trip to North Korea last year, China and America seem now to be working closely together to assure stability on the Korean peninsula.

History helps explain why Sino-American relations are getting so close. In 1950, America faced two equally dangerous enemies: the Soviet Union in the Euro-Atlantic region and China in the Asia-Pacific. Though it fought a two-front war during World War II this time America chose not to fight a war against the Soviet Union. That became evident when in 1956 it wouldn't help the Hungarian rebels. But in the Korean War it chose to fight against China.

This bifurcated policy came out of Washington's recognition that Western Europe was much more vital to America economically and culturally than East Asia. So in the 1950s and 1960s, Europe flourished while Asia witnessed a second war in Vietnam as well as widespread revolutionary and counter-revolutionary turbulence.

Now the situation is reversed. The Asia-Pacific region has become the center of the global economy. It is vital to American prosperity. The Euro-Atlantic region, however, has slid to second place in the global roster of American partners.

A few years ago, when the Asian financial crises erupted, the region's power and prosperity seemed diminished. Now in 2000 those crises seem more like pauses on Asia's growth curve. China, despite its many problems, nevertheless has emerged as a stable and productive giant. Its treasuries are overflowing with cash. And it feels secure enough to let foreign investment pour in.

Japan still has big problems but it is finally emerging from the slump that began in 1992. It too has lifted many restrictions on foreign firms. Most important, the economic power of these two East Asian giants is having constructive ripple-out effects all over the Asia-Pacific region. South Korean industry is booming, as are the economies of Thailand, Malaysia, the Philippines and even, to some extent, conflict-ridden Indonesia.

By contrast, Europe is looking more and more troubled. The biggest trouble comes from Russia. Also Kosovo, Bosnia and Serbia still lack stability. It is possible Israeli-Arab peace accords may not come about, which will create even more uncertainty. In addition, the Euro currency looks ever more feeble, unemployment remains high, and the growing strength of right wing movements does not bode well for stability.

West Europe is awash with cash -- and a lot of it is now flowing into East Asian markets. At a recent meeting in Tokyo, the European-dominated G-7 in effect recognized that the Asia-Pacific has replaced the Euro-Atlantic as the economic center of the world. America historically had a foot in both regions, but it now seems to be shifting its weight toward Asia.

Last spring, the U.S.-dominated NATO fought its first war in Europe since the end of World War II in 1945. In contrast, the United States has not carried out any hostile action in the Asia-Pacific since the end of the Vietnam War in 1975.

This new Asian-Pacific reality accounts for the ever closer cooperation between the American and Chinese military establishments, symbolized by the coming American naval visit to Hong Kong.