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Oslo Is Dead, Peace Making Is Alive
By Rami Khouri
Date: 10-13-00
Since 1993 every violent incident between Israelis and
Palestinians has led to a brief pause in the negotiations, only to be followed
by intense international diplomacy and a faster pace of resumed
peace-making. The same diplomatic dynamic is already underway even as
military and civilian violence intensifies. PNS commentator Rami Khouri, a
Palestinian-Jordanian, is a syndicated political columnist, author, and
television talk show host.
The intensifying military and civilian violence by
Israelis and Palestinians is probably the death knell of the Oslo peace
process that was launched seven years ago in September 1993, but also
the
clarion call for the start of more serious peace-making. As in all
other
cases of violence by both sides since 1993, this fighting will speed up
the peace-making process and shift it qualitatively to higher levels of
equity and balance that hold out greater prospects for achieving a fair
and lasting peace.
The Oslo process is effectively dead because the intensity of the
killing
and mutual hatred that have been unleashed indicates an absolute
absence
of the trust required for a peace process based on slow, incremental
gains for both sides over many years. The fighting has exposed
troubling
new depths of fear and hatred that retard political peace-making.
Israel's military superiority allows it to continue killing Palestinian
civilians almost at will, including attacking their cities with
helicopter gunships and missiles. Consequent ugly strains of
vigilantism,
urban hooliganism, and gruesome revenge killings by both sides mean
that
few Israelis and Palestinians can trust one another in the immediate
future. In the short-term at least, the barbarism of war and fear have
snuffed out the idealism of hope and peace-making. But only in the
short
term.
Weeks or months from now at most, I am sure, both sides will be
furiously
negotiating a permanent peace accord. Last week's venomous brutality
shows us all the terrifying alternative to peace negotiations; it
emphasizes starkly that there is simply no other alternative to quickly
separating the Palestinians and Israelis into two adjacent sovereign
states with equal rights.
A new negotiating framework will have to be agreed upon which does not
suffer the structural flaws of the Oslo process. From the Arab
perspective, these flaws are the severe imbalance of power that allows
Israel to dictate the pace and nature of peace-making on the basis
primarily of whether or not Israel feels it is secure; and, Israel's
attempt to make peace with the Palestinians while retaining the fruits
of
war and predatory colonialism, such as holding on to occupied land,
maintaining Israeli settlements in the Palestinian areas, and dictating
to the Palestinians the nature of their sovereignty, frontier security
controls, use of ports and air space, and other phenomena that would
dilute rather than affirm meaningful Palestinian statehood. The Oslo
approach has reached a dead end because it has exposed these fatal
flaws,
and led to greater rather than less Palestinian vulnerability to
Israeli
political arrogance and superior military force.
Every violent incident since 1993 has led to a brief pause in the
negotiations, only to be followed by intense international diplomacy
and
a faster pace of resumed peace-making. Watching your children die or
your
parents cower in their homes somehow lights mighty fires beneath would
be
peace-makers. We can see that diplomatic dynamic underway already, as
an
unprecedented number of world powers work for a diplomatic breakthrough
in this very localized conflict. Threatening force, using military
revenge, or forming 'national unity governments' postpones the
peace-making imperative briefly, only to hasten it soon after.
To succeed, however, resumed peace talks will have to build on the
historic gains and lessons of the Oslo process, eliminate its flaws and
disequilibria from both perspectives, and find a new formula that will
separate the Palestinians and Israelis into distinct, adjacent
sovereign
states with equal rights.
The Israelis experienced a heroic, miraculous birth of their modern
nation in the first half of the 20th Century, but at a terrible price
of
national dispersal, fragmentation, exile, and subjugation that was paid
by the Palestinian people. In the second half of the 20th Century and
the
early years of the 21st, the Palestinians in turn are achieving the
heroic, miraculous birth of their nation, for which the Israelis have
recently paid a heavy price in suffering the multiple agonies of being
the victims of Arab resistance and terror and also being the
practitioners of a dehumanizing occupation. It is time for both people
to
end paying the price for denying the other's right to statehood and a
normal life. It is time for Palestinians and Israelis to live side by
side with fully equal national rights -- before history, the law, God,
and, most importantly, each other.

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