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Miami's Cuban Americans May Get The Last Word
By Peter Dale Scott
Date: 12-04-00
The Clinton administration willingness to defy Miami's
Cuban-American community in the case of Elian Gonzales was widely seen
as
a sign that the community had lost its political muscle. But the
decision
to stop recounting votes in Miami-Dade suggests that it's the Cuban
Americans who are getting the last word. PNS correspondent Peter Dale
Scott is author of Deep Politics and the Death of JFK and co-author of
Cocaine Politics. Scott's website is http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~pdscott.
The Clinton administration's hard-nosed action in returning
six-year-old
Elian Gonzales to his family in Cuba was widely interpreted as a sign
that Miami's Cuban American community was losing its political clout.
But in fact bitterness over that action may have cost Al Gore the
presidency -- even though he broke with the administration over the
decision to let Elian return home.
The Miami-Dade refusal to recount votes can certainly be seen as one
more
blow in the fight over Elian that supposedly ended last spring.
Miami Mayor Alex Penelas led the Cuban American revolt against the
Justice Department last spring. Elections supervisor David Leahy of the
Miami-Dade Canvassing Board, who voted to stop the recount, works for
Mr.
Penelas.
The Canvassing Board's two other members, Lawrence King and Myriam
Lehr,
who joined in the vote, are both elected county judges who must be
sensitive to the opinions of their Cuban American electorate.
Both judges relied on Armando Gutierrez, a political consultant.
Gutierrez, who was hired to run Judge King's campaign, became notorious
as the pro bono spokesman for the Miami family of Elian Gonzales. (As a
result, King's father -- federal judge James L. King -- recused himself
from hearing the Elian Gonzales case.)
Gore campaign officials claim Penelas had promised, in a telephone
call,
to issue a statement calling for the recount to resume. Instead Mr.
Penelas' statement said only that he could not affect the board's
decisions.
Key Democrats now suggest the mayor double-crossed them. In the wake of
rumors and accusations about the recount decision, the mayor released
his
phone records to show that he has recently made frequent calls to both
key Democrats and key Republicans in Washington.
Before the Elian fiasco, Penelas had been proposed as a leading
Democratic challenger for Florida governor, even as a possible running
mate for Gore. Now one of the mayor's associates has said that Penelas
is
thinking seriously of running for Congress as a Republican.
Penelas has denied influencing the Canvassing Board as well as
published
reports that he is about to become a Republican. But his actions
suggest
he is unwilling to distance himself from militant Cuban organizers.
The crowds that menaced the Canvassing Board and roughed up a
Democratic
official had been summoned by Radio Mambi, one of Miami's most
stridently
anti-communist Cuban radio stations. Radio Mambi played a similar role
mustering the crowds who attempted to prevent Elian Gonzales from being
reunited with his father.
Two prominent figures in the tumultuous crowd calling for a stop to the
counting were Republican members of Congress, Lincoln Diaz-Balart and
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen. Both also supported last spring's boisterous
protests over Elian.
Beyond the moves of individuals with respect to Elian and the recount
is
the culture of intrigue and violence that marks one segment of Miami's
Cuban community. This can be traced back to the days when so many Cuban
exile leaders in Florida (including Diaz-Balart's father) were involved
in anti-Castro terrorist activities for the CIA.
Until his death in 1997, a main funder of such violence was CIA veteran
Jorge Mas Canosa, founder and head of the politically influential Cuban
American National Foundation, which runs Radio Mambi.
Before CANF, Mas Canosa had been involved in a terrorist plot to blow
up
a Cuban ship in the Mexican port of Veracruz. In 1985 Mas Canosa helped
his ally in that plot, Luis Posada, escape from a Venezuelan prison,
and
relocate in El Salvador as part of a Contra supply operation directed
by
Oliver North and then Vice-President George Bush. (Seven years later,
at
a $1,000-a-plate fund-raising dinner, President Bush said, "I salute
Jorge Mas.")
Since then Posada has been indicted or detained a number of times for a
series of bombings and attacks on Castro's life, which he once said
were
financed by CANF officials. He was detained again on November 19 of
this
year in Panama, allegedly for plotting to kill Castro during a visit
there.
When Elian Gonzales was returned to Cuba, The Los Angeles Times wrote
that those who fought "the crusade to keep Elian in Miami have lost
big,
both politically and financially. Now, the road has been swept clear
for
other, more moderate groups to speak for Cuban exiles."
Others predicted, however, that the real loser would be Al Gore. They
thought Gore's break with the Administration on the issue would not
influence Republican Cuban voters, but could well diminish his
popularity
with the mainstream.
Which of these schools of thought will be proven more correct depends,
in
part, on the outcome of the fight for the White House. But Miami's
Cuban
American exiles are far from a spent force.

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