"But from its beginnings Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
exploited the Kashmir issue to divert attention from Pakistan's
terrible economic crisis as well as contain growing discontent in the
peripheral regions of the Northwestern Provinces, Baluchistan and
Sind. And especially he wants to dampen the force of those parties
which want to overthrow Pakistan's political elite and institute an
Islamic revolution."
Comments: Hadi Husseini has touched on the three sorest spots
in the Pakistani body politic: the rise of Islamic militancy, the
economic crisis and regional discontent. Re-affirming the LOC would
be an acknowledgment of defeat by Nawaz Sharif. That would worsen both
economic crisis and political dissent. And it would add even more
fuel to the fires of Islamic militancy.
A linguistic clue points a way into the future. The Indians have
repeatedly charged that the shadowy forces they are fighting are both
Pakistani troops and "Afghans." In reports of their radio monitoring of
those shadowy forces they have said they could hear Urdu and Pashto spoken
but not Kashmiri. That means no Kashmiris are involved in the current
battle for the liberation of Kashmir.
Pashto is an Iranian language distantly related to Persian/Farsi.
It is the language both of Afghanistan's Pashtuns and Pakistan's Pathans.
In fact the two are the same people and Pathan is simply a dialectical
variation of Pashtun or the other way around.
Today just about all of Afghanistan is controlled by the radical
Sunni Taliban. The "northern opposition" is fragmented, dispersed and
disheartened. The Taliban won their victories more through the Qur'an than
with weapons. Their creed has appealed to many different peoples.
Nevertheless the history, leadership and driving force of the Taliban is
Pashtun. And since the Pathans are a kindred people it has long since been
reported --- even in the Western media --- that many of them have accepted
that creed.
Both Pushtuns and Pathans are warriors by tradition. Not
surprisingly when the British ruled India they recruited heavily from among
the Pathans. The new state of Pakistan continued that tradition. And while
the Pakistani military is now ethnically diverse nevertheless the Pathan
element remains strong.
While in international discourse Afghan now designates any citizen
of Afghanistan within the country the word Afghan is another way of saying
Pashtun. So when the Indians heard Pashto spoken those "Afghans" easily
could have been Pathan soldiers in the Pakistan army. And they also could
easily have been supporters of the Taliban creed.
That the Taliban creed is rapidly spreading in Pakistan has been
widely reported. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif acknowledged this by last year
decreeing Pakistan to be an Islamic state. The sharply negative reaction
against the Nawaz-Clinton accord by the Jamaat-e Islami (See Sidebar)
already reveals how many cracks there are in the brittle Pakistani body
politic.
For two decades at least religious, political and drug-related
violence has been growing in Pakistan. There are many in Pakistan who look
at Afghanistan and see how the Taliban have restored order to that
tragedy-wracked country. There are many others who, as in Iran in 1979 and
1980, are terrified of fundamentalist rule.
Suppose there were a political upheaval over the next months. What
could happen other than an outflow of frightened refugees? Judging from the
discontent in the Sind region --- where the Bhutto family has its base ---
it is conceivable that secessionist currents could rise. There also is
discontent in the far western province of Baluchistan. And while West
Punjabis have long dominated the Pakistani political scene few of them
would look with favor on a fundamentalist government.
The waters of Pakistan are turbulent and troubled. It also is not
inconceivable that, given their current victories in the Kargil region, the
Indian armed forces could decide to lunge over the LOC and aim to take the
town and region of Skardu, the capital town of the Baltistan region (where
the people speak Tibetan but are Muslim and where many Americans trek in
the high mountain areas).
If such a lunge by India occurred would Nawaz Sharif consider
firing Ghauri missiles at Indian cities?
There is no doubt that if this happened it would create one of the
worst global crises since the world became global. In particular it could
bring Russia and America into a confrontation not seen since the early days
of the Cold War. Russian weaponry accounts for three quarters of India's
military arsenal (Izvestiya, June 24). The American Seventh Fleet dominates
the Indian Ocean from its base on Diego Garcia island just south of India.
Russia is fiercely opposed to Islamic fundamentalism and
Afghanistan's Taliban. America, on the other hand, has been bit by bit
coming to terms with Islamic fundamentalism, evident in the US-Iran
rapprochement. Though America has drifted away from its decades-long
relationship with Pakistan the bonds are still there. And, through its
military ties, Russian bonds with India remain strong.
The Kargil crisis is local. What makes it dangerous is that
equilibrium has been broken. In the Kashmir conflict between India and
Pakistan the equilibrium has also broken as India grows stronger and
Pakistan weaker. The global equilibrium has also weakened as Russia
declines even further and America is becoming "the Lord of the Earth," as
the Chinese say.
Last year it still looked as if the world was moving in the
direction of peace, prosperity and freedom, as Clinton said in a key San
Francisco speech. Now it looks like what a Chinese saying calls "dangers
lurking from all four directions."
Outcome:
The prediction is correct. Even the timing was off by only two weeks.
The Basis for the Prediction was: "There is a good chance that a Pakistani defeat in the Kargil fighting could again trigger a political revolution in that country."
This part of the prediction also is correct. Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif lost political control last June when he went to Washington and, under pressure by President Clinton, agreed to withdraw Pakistani forces from Kashmir. Subsequent to this Pakistan was roiled by increasing domestic trouble, notably the killings of Shi'a Muslims by Sunnis especially in the violence-ridden Sind region and its huge chief city, Karachi.
The coup and the new ruler, General Perwez Musharraf, have been welcomed by Pakistani public opinion. But the challenges facing him are daunting: the economy is in terrible shape, socio-political murder is rife and international distrust as great as never before. The latter arises mainly out of fear of an Islamic fundamentalism that is entrenched in neighboring Afghanistan and spreading fast in Pakistan including the armed forces which General Musharraf heads. Facilitating the spread of fundamentalism is the often observed new reality that the Pakistan-Afghanistan border no longer exists. Since the same people, Pathans/Pushtun, live on both sides, Pakistan's Northwest Frontier Province is becoming a conduit for trade and influence going both ways.